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INCtUIRY 

Into the Object and Tendency 



OE THE 



PRESENT WAR, 



Addressed to the Citizens 



OP 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 



PORTSMOUTH. 
PRINTED AT THE ORACLE PRESS.' 



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INQUIRY, ^Q. 



In a time of general calamity, it is 
the duty of every individual to come for- 
ward in the public service. However \o\y 
his talents, or humble his station, he stiU 
may do something- for the benefit of others. 
Some may be influenced by his example, 
and others convinced by his arguments. — 
The careless and indifferent may be roused 
to attention by his exertions ; and the rest- 
less curiosity Avhich he has excited, may 
terminate in deep conviction, and resolute 
action* 

It is with these sentiments, that the author 
of the following pages presents them to his 
fellow^citizens. He deems the subject of 
infinite importance to all. Another year, 
and it may be too late to examine it. If his 
name could add any weight to his argu- 
ments, or authority to his opinions, it would 
be cheerfully given. He has no private 
interest to advance, and no party passions 
to indulge. But he feels that on this year 
depends the peace and liberty of his country. 
If this year is suffered to pass away in in- 
dolent security » the next may find him, in 
common with his countrymen, the subject 
of a miliUtry despotism. 



It is my design in the following pages 
to inquire into the real objects of the present 
^var ; I shall endeavour to ascertain them, 

1. From the time and circumstances 
under which it was declared. 

2, From the manner in which it has been 
carried on» 

An opinion has been extensively diffused 
in this country, that since we are engaged 
in hostilities and the enemy is at our door, 
it is of little consequence to inquire how or 
why we plunged into war. We must con- 
tend with England, say tlie partisans of the 
administration, till some decisive victory 
enables us to obtain peace upon our own 
terms. Government can do nothing Avith- 
out unanimity among the people. It is our 
duty to lay aside party dissensions, and to 
unite in support of the administration, whe- 
ther the war be right or wrong. — I answer, 
if the war be not just and honorable, I dare 
not wish it success. I care not what pre- 
tences were used at its commencement, nor 
what passions are called forth in its support. 
If its real objects be unjust or dangerous, 
it is my duty to oppose it. 

Every man who has reflected upon the 
nature of government and the right-s and 
duties of individuals, knows that there is a 
point, beyond which submission to govern- 
ment is a crime. We are accustomed to 
laugh at the folly, or pity the weakness of 



those European nations which have so long 
endured in silence the tyranny of monarchs 
and nobles. Let the people unite in their 
own defence, we have said, and the power 
of their oppressors, antient and majestic as 
it is, will crumble into dust. But our 
government is one of our own choice.— 
Our rulers are our servants. If they do 
WTong we remove them. We suffer no man 
to remain in office long enough to obtain the 
power of oppressing us. True — but is there 
no party-oppression ? Does not all history, 
and all experience prove that the passions of a 
multitude are more blind, furious, and un- 
governable, than those of an individual ? — 
Have the minority no feelings to be insulted, 
no rights to be injured, no blessings to be 
destroyed ? If a triumphant party were 
disposed to trample on the rights and liberties 
f)f their fellow citizens, would it not be their 
first object to prevent any inquiry into the 
nature and design of their measures ? 

It is a maxim of the British government 
that " the King can do no wrong." The 
true meaning of it is, that whatever evil is 
committed, is imputed not to the King, but 
to his ministers. And this is reasonable — 
for though the King cannot be punished, 
his ministers have often been condemned 
to death for their political crimes. The 
friends of the war have adopted this 
maxim, and applied it literally, in its full 
extent, to our own government. With 
them King James can do no wrong; not 



because his evil deeds are imputed tq 
Gallatin, Armstrong or Monroe, but because 
the President, by virtue of his office, is in- 
vested with absolute infallibility. 

Avoid then the man who would diminish 
your freedom of inquiry. Place the brand 
of infamy on him who tells you to support 
the war, whether it be right or Avrong. If 
the designs of the administration were pure, 
they would court inquiry. What honest 
man ever dreaded an investigation of his 
character? The words of inspiration have 
declared that if " men love darkness rather 
than lifjht" it is " because their deeds are 
evil'* 

The motives assigned by the American 
Government for the declaration of war, are 
in substance the following. 

1^ The impressment of our Seamen, 

2. The principles of Blockade imputed 
to the British Government. 

3. The Orders in. Council 

It is not my design to examine these caus- 
es separately, and at length. Every man ac= 
quainted with the history of our country 
and with tliat of Europe for the last twenty 
rears, must see that they are utterly insuf- 
ficient to jiistlfy an appeal to arms. They 
are now indeed abandoned by the very par- 
tisans of war ; and tlie conquest of Canada, 
or the chastisement of the Indians, qr some 



each worthy motive, is substituted for 
the official declarations of G:overnment. It 



t>^ 



is ris:ht that a war commenced with fraud 



't> 



should be continued with injustice. 

The orders in Council were repealed, as 
IS well known, within a few days af- 
ter our declaration of war ; — and it 
should never be forgotten that, at that time 
French decrees more oppressive in princi- 
ple and more outrageous in language had 
existed for years without any shew of re- 
sistance on the part of our government. 
The right of paper blockade as it has been 
called, or the right of declaring a place 
blockaded, without an adequate force to 
invest it, has been formally and officially 
disclaimed by Great Britain. And yet the 
imputation of this doctrine to her is still 
considered as one of the justifying causes 
lof the war ! 

The last subject is the impressment of 
Seamen. Great Britain has never claimed 
the right of taking American seamen from 
American ships. In. searching for her own 
subjects, mistakes have sometimes happen- 
ed. The similarity of language, counte« 
nance, and manners rendered it unavoida- 
ble. But even on this subject an amicable 
arrangement was made with the British 
Government by Mr. Monroe the present 
Secretary of State, and Mr. Pinkney the 
present Attorney General of the U. S. 
Mr. Jefferson refused to ratify the agree- 



3 

ment, and sent back the treaty without even 
submitting it to the Senate. He was un- 
willing to live at peace with England , while 
France was her enemy. 

In June 1812 an attempt was made by 
the Federal members of the Legislature of 
Massachusetts, to procure from the several 
towns of that Commonwealth an accurate 
list of their impressed citizens. This at- 
tempt was frustrated by the democratic 
Senate of that State. The partisans of the 
war well know (and they dare not deny it) 
that the stories of impressment have been 
exaggerated beyond all parallel. If this war 
has been commenced for " free trade and 
sailors' rights," is it not incredible that 
Massachusetts, the cradle and nurse of half 
the seamen in the Union should be opposed 
to it? Can it be reconciled with any prin- 
ciples of human sympathy, that the negro 
driver of the South should feel more for the 
New- England sailor, than his own Parents, 
and Brothers, and Friends ? Away with 
such folly. ^ 

What then were the real causes of the 
war ? I answer — 

1. To aid the cause of France. 

2. To depress New-England, and de- 
stroy her Commerce. 

No man in his senses can doubt that 
there is a secret understanding between the 
Govemment of this country and that of 



France. By a series of naval victories un- 
exampled in history, Great Britain liad at- 
tained the sovereignty of the ocean. Her 
insular situation protected her from the ar- 
mies of France. She was only vulnerable 
in her commerce. The Corsican usurper, 
with some sagacity, determined to diminish 
her power, by restricting her trade. The 
manufactures of Great Britain were in con- 
sequence, excluded from all the ports of 
the continent.- Still all this availed him 
nothing while the United States were per- 
mitted to obtain their supplies at the niar- 
kets of this hated nation. The United 
States were therefore persuaded to lay an. 
embargo ; and they were publicly congrat- 
ulated'by.the French Emperor upon having 
thus united with him in his " continental 
system." That embargo was known in 
France long before the tidings of it could 
possibly have reached th?it country in the or- 
dinary channels of communication. It was 
undoubtedly a measure originally planned 
and recommended by the Court of Napole- 
on. In January 1808 the French Emperor 
announced to General Armstrong that 
" war exists in fact between England and 
the United States." On the 18th of June 
1812, the Congress of the United States 
adopted the same words. Add to this, the 
remarkable fact, that while our whole di- 
plomatic con*espondence with England has 
been regularly published, not a single entire 
letter of the correspondence with France 
has been given to the public, since Mr. 



10 

Jefferson's accession to the chief magistracy. 
History shews tlie possibility of corruption. 
1 do not charge it upon any man. But the 
effects of bhnd partiaUty or vindictive ha- 
tred may be as ruinous to a iiation, as the 
corruption of its magistrates. 

When I consider the manner in which 
this calamitous war has been conducted, I 
can entertain no doubt of its real object. 
What ! send our troops to the wilds of 
Canada, and leave our seaports defenceless 
for the protection of Commerce f Seal up 
every bay, and river, and creek in the coun» 
try for the promotion difree trade I Deprive 
every sailor in the nation of the wages of 
industry, and compel him either to quit his 
home, or to languish in a prison for the se» 
curity of his rights ! They might have 
spared us this mockery. But they knew 
the spirit of New-England was dead. Six 
years of Embargo, Non- Intercourse, and 
Non- Importation had taught them what we 
were capable of enduring. The Lion was 
well nigh dead before the Ass ventured to 
lift up his heels against him. 

There never was a people so extensively 
and entirely commercial as the inhabitants of 
New-England. The love of enterprise and 
adventure had diffused itself through every 
class in Society. Almost every man was 
either directly or remotely connected with 
the commercial interests of the countr}^ 
Now a war is undertaken, avowedly for the 
interest of commerce, against the opinions 

Lorci 



u 

and wishes of this great body of people; 
It is carried on by commercial restrictions. 
To compel England to give up the right of 
impressment not a fishing boat is permitted 
to throw a line in the ocean — not a sheet of 
canvass to whiten in the breeze. One 
great object of this war is undoubtedly then, 
to destroy the commerce of New-England^ 
and diminish her political power. 

But these calamities, deplorable as they 
are, are not the greatest we have to fean 
Farmers, send not your sleighs to market^ 
you may incur the penalties of treason. 
Some vigilant spy of the custom-house may 
imagine you are proceeding toward the en- 
emy. Some starving neighbor may cast a 
wistfull eye upon your money. It may be 
convenient for him to seize it, and to pursue 
you with the vexation and trouble of a law- 
suit. If he succeeds, he divides the prizf, 
with the Government j if he fails, your 
property, at the end of a year or ^^'^ '*•' re- 
storcdj Without any compensation for your 
trouble, or '^lamage for the detention. A. 
people \hat will cjuktly sub '♦• '- r.rich 
Isvvs m- the Uist Embargo ac» 
i ip'.; for slavery. The fruit ma 
< '? by the lirbc adventurer that 
pluck it. 



CtU; 



" What measures shall we take 9" . ■ 
you ask with astonishment and disi.^.y. 
answer— Try first every constitutional 
means of redress. Suff"^not a single ad- 
vocate of th e^var t o hold an office in your 



u 

i^/ut. Petition j'our government for peace.' 
it is in their power to give it. If these ex- 
ertions fail, rally round your State Gov- 
ernment. It is still independent. If the 
war continues another year, you will cease 
to be the member of a confederation. You 
will become the province of an Empire. 

Farmers ! be not seduced by the high 
prices of your produce. This war is cost- 
ing every one of you 33 dollars a year.-j- — 
In the course of this year the tax-gatherer 
will visit you. His visits will be repeated, 
and his demands increased. Your present 
additional prices will not pay the interest of 
the debt you are incurring. Neither are 
the taxes heavy as they . are sufficient for 
that purpose. Your grain and beef and 
v/ool is consumed by the army. That army 
you are paying yourselves. I pray God 
you are not payino: it for your own ruin ! 



xpeu^ of the war to be forty mil- 
t;on^^iii;MBthe smallest possible. su,n, ^J^^ ^ 
llo., the several States in ^<^^^^J^ SiM^e to! 

sum which ^T?*'"^"'' -nTlL^ SI three hundred 
wards the co^t of the war will be one million, inr 

■^ 000,000 : 40,000,000 : : 96, ^9^ : \yjl-if^'o »«> "i, 
;hoe direct tax, is to the whole annual expense so ."the 
pi^portion which New-Hampshire pays of the first, to that 
^•hirh she contributes to the second. „^/i:„„ .« fh. 

Sm osing every Farmer's family to consis ^P«" ^^^^J^^^; 
•a.e of five persons, this war brings hi^ri .n debt every year 

imn ddlars and fftifcaiis. (TV^ ^j^^. If peac« 

The war '^^s laaea^ycai-^ and e^h n^^on^^^^ .^ 

,,HC made at th.s m oment, .t:^oad Ua ec^ely 
,he bla'.f, mifUmmi'-oUars aadf)^^^^^^"^- 



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